Delimitation: A Constitutional Dilemma in Modern India

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Delimitation: A Constitutional Dilemma in Modern India

Reimagining Delimitation : Balancing Representation, Population, and Federal Equity

Context: Delimitation — the redrawing of parliamentary and assembly constituencies — as mandated by Articles 82 and 170 of the Indian Constitution, has reignited fierce debates across the country. 

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  • On one end of the spectrum are concerns rooted in the letter of the Constitution and its implications if applied as intended. 
  • On the other, some have responded with alarmist and even humorous suggestions, such as encouraging rapid population growth to avoid being politically outnumbered.
  • As emotions flare, there is a pressing need to step back and examine the issue with objectivity. 

Delimitation: A Constitutional Dilemma in Modern India

Constitutional Mandate and Emerging Anxieties

  • After Each Census: According to the Constitution, following every census, the allocation of Lok Sabha seats among states and the division of state territories into constituencies must be recalibrated. 
    • A similar directive applies to state legislative assemblies. 
  • 42nd Amendment: However, the 42nd and later amendments froze this readjustment until 2026, with the next delimitation to be based on the census conducted thereafter. 
  • Concerns: This provision has sparked concern, particularly among southern states, fearing they will lose representation despite their success in population control. 
    • Though evidence supporting these fears is limited, their sentiments deserve acknowledgment.

Federalism and the Flawed Logic of Purely Population-Based Representation

  • At the heart of the debate is the tension between population-based representation and federal equity. 
  • Relying solely on population to determine seat allocation rewards states with higher population growth — often at the cost of those that implemented responsible population control measures. 
    • This creates an inherent imbalance in the spirit of cooperative federalism.
  • Historical data reflects a gradual expansion of Lok Sabha seats — from 489 in 1951 to 543 today — driven by delimitation exercises. 
    • However, there has never been a fixed formula to determine the ideal population-to-seat ratio. 
    • While the average population per Lok Sabha seat rose from 7.32 lakh in 1951 to about 27 lakh in 2024, Vidhan Sabha seats saw a similar trajectory. 
    • This growth is not just numerical but has political and logistical consequences.

Representation: Beyond Numbers

  • While population has been the primary factor in determining representation, it has not been the only one. 
  • Other considerations such as geographical continuity, administrative boundaries, and regional concerns have also shaped electoral maps. 
    • This raises a deeper question: what does it mean to “represent” a constituency?
  • A Member of Parliament or a legislative assembly does not derive more authority or legitimacy based on the size of their electorate. 
    • Their role in legislative processes, committee participation, and oversight functions remain unchanged. 
  • Moreover, there is little evidence to suggest that smaller constituencies lead to better representation or governance. 
    • Instead, strengthening grassroots democracy and empowering local self-governments may offer a more meaningful improvement in governance.

Moderating Population as a Criterion

  • Balanced Approach: Given the central government’s active promotion of population control in the past, penalising states that succeeded in implementing these policies seems counterproductive. 
    • A kind of “population deflator” — similar to how real GDP is adjusted for inflation may be adopted.
  • Using TFR: One possible model is to adjust population figures using the Total Fertility Rate (TFR), a key determinant of population growth. 
    • For instance, while the current population might suggest the Lok Sabha should have over 1,400 seats (using 1977’s 10.10 lakh average), adjusting for the TFR might reduce this to a more manageable and equitable number like 680. 
    • State-specific TFR data could further refine this adjustment, ensuring that states are not unfairly disadvantaged for controlling population growth.

What India needs is a mature, inclusive, and nuanced dialogue — one that balances constitutional mandates with present realities, federal fairness, and the foundational principle of “one person, one vote.”

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